Research

This research project examines psychological and physical forms of violence against political actors at the grassroots level in Germany, i.e. against those individuals who engage in socio-political activities in the context of formal institutions but outside the realm of formal, representative politics. These are members of political parties who have never run for elections, members of party youth organizations, members of civil society organizations, and staff working for elected officials at regional and national level. The project examines three dimensions of violence against grassroots political actors: (1) targeting patterns (Who experiences what forms of violence, and are different sub-groups targeted in distinct ways?), (2) impacts on socio-political activity (Do direct and indirect experiences with violence affect the level and mode of socio-political activity, and are different sub-groups affected in distinct ways?), and (3) legitimation and delegitimation of violence against grassroots political actors among the German public (Under what conditions is violence against grassroots political actors condoned or condemned?). The project tackles these questions with a mixed-methods design that combines a large-N survey of grassroots political actors, qualitative interviews with grassroots political actors affected by violence, and a large-N survey with an embedded vignette experiment among the general public. A systematic investigation of who is most likely to experience politically motivated violence at the grassroots level, whose voices are most likely to be muted, and how public attitudes may reinforce or counteract these trends, has significant implications for the quality of democracy.

In 2008, the United Nations Security Council made a landmark decision to recognize conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) as a serious international security issue. This move helped establish a global commitment to combatting CRSV, leading to a series of UN resolutions, new institutions, and various initiatives designed to curb the perpetration of sexual violence in war and support its victims. However, in recent years, there have been troubling signs of resistance to this progress. Some UN members, particularly those with anti-feminist agendas, as well as certain countries that had previously supported the fight against CRSV, are showing signs of stepping back from their commitments. This shift has largely evaded academic scrutiny, and we still don’t fully understand how widespread or impactful it may be. To fill this gap, this project seeks to answer three key questions: 1) How is the global commitment to preventing CRSV being challenged? 2) How are countries that have been strong advocates for CRSV prevention (like Sweden and Germany) responding to this backlash? 3) What are the broader implications of this contestation for global efforts to combat CRSV? By analyzing official policies, public statements, budget data, as well as survey and interview data, we aim to provide valuable insights for both policymakers and scholars.

More information: https://en.kfn.de/prorett/

More information: https://en.kfn.de/research-projects/violence-against-politicians/

What are the implications of the politicization of conflict-related sexual violence for women’s agency in conflict settings? My main theoretical argument is that conflict-related sexual violence makes gender salient in both domestic and international arenas, as a result of which women’s agency may be amplified. First, I show that women mobilize in civil society in response to the collective threat that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes to them as women. Interviews with representatives of women’s organizations and victims’ associations in Colombia reveal that patriarchal structures and societally entrenched gender inequality are at the heart of mobilized women’s understanding of this violence. Second, I posit that conflict-related sexual violence is a very visible indicator of gendered conflict that elicits a push for a gender-sensitive response to armed conflict by international actors. An examination of United Nations peace operation mandates reveals that gender content, including a commitment to women’s participation, is higher when sexual violence is widespread in the respective conflict. Likewise, countries experiencing a conflict with prevalent sexual violence adopt legislative gender quotas sooner and at higher levels than other countries, responding to domestic and international pressures for a “gendered” response.

📖 Introductory chapter

💡2020 Christiane-Rajewsky-Prize for early-career conflict researchers, awarded by the German Association for Peace and Conflict Studies